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The unofficial Apple store in Afghanistan. By Leo Mirani

Where do people in Kabul go when they want to buy an iPhone? The same place as everybody else: an Apple Store. But one thing separates the Apple Store in, say, New York, from the one in Kabul: Apple either doesn’t know it exists, or doesn’t care.

There is nothing new about unofficial Apple stores. Chinese authorities found 22 of them last year, right down to staff uniforms. The shop in Kabul is not nearly as ambitious. A small space in Afghanistan’s largest mall, in the posh Share-e-Naw district, it doesn’t look very much like Apple Stores in the rest of the world. (The picture above was posted by photographer Massoud Hossaini on his Instagram feed.)
Nor does it enjoy the margins enjoyed by the company whose name it bears. Mohammed Nasery, the store’s sales manager, told Quartz he sells the 16GB iPhone 5 for $700, about $50 more than its price in America. The merchandise comes from Dubai, where the 16GB iPhone 5 retails for 2599 dirhams (about $710). With discounts for buying in bulk, he estimates that margins vary from $10 to $50 across products.
Still, sales are brisk. The store sells five or six iPhones and one or two laptops every day, mostly to young locals who work for private companies, says Nasery. There is plenty of demand, he said, but availability of products is slim.
That is borne out by Esmatullah Rahimi, a former Apple Store Afghanistan employee. “It’s very trendy to own an iPhone or an iPad. These young Afghans work around foreigners who have iPods and Macs and iPads, and they want them too,” Rahimi told students from USC Annenberg in an interview last year. “If you see a woman using an iPhone, even if she’s wearing the hijab you know she’s got money and that she wants people to notice her.  You don’t really look twice if she’s on a Nokia, you know?”
Opened in August 2010, the store is doing well enough for its owners to consider expansion. A repair centre is coming up, a website is under construction and Nasery says they are considering a second outlet in another Kabul location.
Afghanistan is not unique in its fascination for Apple. The company enjoys great cachet in the emerging world, from Moscow’s bars to Mumbai’s malls. Yet Apple is only belatedly waking up to developing markets. After years of neglecting India, for instance, sales surged when the company changed its distribution and introduced financing schemes.
Afghanistan illustrates that similar pent-up demand exists across the world—Apple only has to take advantage of it. For now though, Kabul must make do with its knock-off Apple Store. Nasery says he took some pictures of the store when it opened and mailed them to Apple. He never heard back.

The unofficial Apple store in Afghanistan. By Leo Mirani

Counter-jihadists have known about taqiyya for years, but they’ve been dismissed as greasy Islamophobes with no credibility. Mainstream (i.e. politically correct, as you can see from the denials below that there is anything distinctively Islamic about taqiyya) counterterrorism experts, however, are now beginning to realize that the “Islamophobes” were on to something.

Qur’an 3:28 warns believers not to take unbelievers as “friends or helpers” (َأَوْلِيَا — a word that means more than casual friendship, but something like alliance), “unless (it be) that ye but guard yourselves against them.” This is a foundation of the idea that believers may legitimately deceive unbelievers when under pressure. The word used for “guard” in the Arabic is tuqātan (تُقَاةً), the verbal noun from taqiyyatan — hence the increasingly familiar term taqiyya.

Ibn Kathir says that the phrase Pickthall renders as “unless (it be) that ye but guard yourselves against them” means that “believers who in some areas or times fear for their safety from the disbelievers” may “show friendship to the disbelievers outwardly, but never inwardly. For instance, Al-Bukhari recorded that Abu Ad-Darda’ said, ‘We smile in the face of some people although our hearts curse them.’ Al-Bukhari said that Al-Hasan said, ‘The Tuqyah [taqiyya] is allowed until the Day of Resurrection.” Abu Ad-Darda’ was a companion of Muhammad.

While many Muslim spokesmen today maintain that taqiyya is solely a Shi’ite doctrine, shunned by Sunnis, the great Islamic scholar Ignaz Goldziher points out that while it was formulated by Shi’ites, “it is accepted as legitimate by other Muslims as well, on the authority of Qur’an 3:28.” The Sunnis of Al-Qaeda practice it today.

Also, there is Muhammad’s statement, “war is deceit.” He also allowed for lying in battle and between a husband and wife. And when he gave permission to one of his followers, Muhammad bin Maslama, to murder one of his critics, Ka’b bin al-Ashraf, he also gave Muhammad bin Maslama permission to lie to Ka’b in order to lure him close enough to be killed.

And Muhammad is the “excellent example of conduct” for Muslims (Qur’an 33:21).

“Taqiyya, or the terrorist ‘art of deception,’” by Anne-Diandra Louarn for France 24, March 14 (thanks to Rosine):

A year after the Toulouse attacks by Mohamed Merah…, French counterterrorism experts are monitoring the practice of “taqiyya” - or deceiving society by concealing one’s faith – and its uses in jihadist circles.

Nearly a year ago, as one of France’s longest-ever police sieges was about to end on the morning of March 22, 2012, Mohamed Merah – also known as “the Toulouse gunman” – uttered a cry that seemed enigmatic to the uninformed, but was weighted with meaning for counterterrorism experts.

It’s not the money, it’s the deception that’s critical,” said the 23-year-old French-Algerian shortly before he jumped off his Toulouse apartment window and was gunned down by an elite French anti-terror unit.

The somewhat cryptic cry was a likely reference to “taqiyya” – a form of religious dissimulation or legal dispensation in which believers deny their faith or even commit blasphemous acts as a deception if they are seriously threatened or at risk of persecution.

“Concealment is a technique as old as the world,” explained French anti-terrorism judge Marc Trévidic in an interview with FRANCE 24. “It’s also an essential component of any war strategy, regardless of the people involved.”

Sure, but Islam is unique among religions in having a “war strategy.”

In Islam, taqiyya dates back to the time when Shiite Muslims were hounded and persecuted by the Sunni caliphs following the 7th century schism between the followers of the Prophet’s son-in-law, Ali, and the Sunni caliphate.

For the traditionally persecuted Shiite minority, deception – or taqiyya – was considered a matter of survival. Although the term does not exist in Sunni jurisprudence, there have been rare cases of Sunnis practicing taqiyya in extraordinary circumstances.

Actually, because it is based on the Qur’an, many Sunnis practice it, even if they don’t refer to it as such.

But it was not until the term was recovered by Sunni jihadists trained in the Afghan terror camps that it began to get the attention of counterterrorism experts as trained and radicalised young men began practising taqiyya as a means of integrating and disguising themselves in Western societies.

“Taqiyya, as it’s understood today, is actually a radicalised version of concealment, in the sense that some religious extremists have found ‘dalils’ (or ‘evidence’) in the Koran that would justify their actions,” said Trévidic.

Actually, it isn’t just “extremists” who have found evidence for taqiyya in the Qur’an, but venerable centuries-old and mainstream Muslim authorities, as explained above.

From Afghanistan to Europe and Canada

In France, intelligence agencies have been aware of the radicalised adoption of taqiyya since the mid-1990s, when al Qaeda began to advocate this technique among recruits plotting attacks on Western targets. The message was also targeted at French citizens of North African origins.

“These people who took the path of taqiyya were called ‘sleepers’. This is when we began to discover that after their passage through the jihadist training camps in Afghanistan, the recruits were sent home and directed to make a show of their ordinary, integrated lives - sometimes even masquerading as unbelievers,” said Trévidic.

One of the best-known jihadist sleepers was the “Hamburg cell”, the infamous group of radicalized students in that German city who went on to execute the September 11, 2001, attacks – including 9/11 leader Mohamed Atta.

Another example of a terrorist in disguise was Fateh Kamel, a handsome Algerian-Canadian who was sentenced to eight years in jail by a French court in 1999 for supporting a terrorist plot against targets in Paris.

Assessing the danger of Islamists

But while Merah’s behaviour may have been deceptive in keeping with taqiyya norms, his activities were well known to the French secret services, according to Trévidic.

According to the anti-terror judge, the challenge for French authorities is not so much to identify the followers of taqiyya, but to assess their threat levels. “That is the whole problem of the DCRI [Direction centrale du renseignement intérieur – or the French domestic intelligence agency] in the Merah case,” noted Trévidic.

If Merah’s suspicious trips to places like Pakistan were being monitored and French intelligence agents were aware that he belonged to a small Toulouse-based Salafist group, they failed to distinguish between a low-level delinquent and a potentially dangerous Islamist militant – or at which point the former could become the latter.

Trévidic acknowledges that it’s a challenge for the DCRI to identify radicalised youth ready and capable of putting their plans into action. But that’s the strength of taqiyya followers: in the impoverished, immigrant-dominated French suburbs – or banlieues in French - they often behave like local gangsters or gang leaders. To escape the counterterrorism radar, it’s not uncommon for potential terrorists to engage in minor acts of delinquency.

‘Rediscovering what we already know’

“No country is truly equipped against concealment. What we know today is that practices such as taqiyya require a deep infiltration of our territory, an in-depth knowledge of groups and individuals, as well as an effective system of recovering and retrieving information in the field,” said Trévidic.

The dismantling of suspected sleeper cells, such as the March 7-8 arrests of three terror suspects in the southern French town of Marignane (a suburb of Marseille), has intensified in the wake of the Merah case. “In terrorism, we are constantly rediscovering what we already know,” notes Trévidic.

It’s a view mirrored by Alain Gresh, deputy director of the left-wing monthly Le Monde Diplomatique. In an interview with FRANCE 24, Gresh noted that taqiyya is not a new phenomenon. “Who are the terrorists who shout their intentions from rooftops?” he asked.

In a blog post published on March 2, Gresh argued that the media treatment of taqiyya has sometimes been “racist” and inappropriate. “Some journalists have suggested that Arabs have a perverse way of thinking that is permitted by their religion. Concealment is not limited to radical Islam. It is found in all religious doctrines and even in political doctrines,” he noted.

Alain Gresh should know better. Taqiyya is a doctrine of Islam, not of Arabs. Does he think that all Muslims are Arabs? And no, there is nothing comparable to taqiyya in Christianity — the Roman Catholic understanding of mental reservation probably comes closest, but is still miles away from the sophisticated and elaborate deception of unbelievers that taqiyya can involve. Christianity never encourages concealment of one’s faith — the stories of Christian martyrs frequently involve refusal to renounce one’s faith even when under pressure of death. This is in sharp contrast to the Qur’an’s excusing of people who deny their faith under pressure: “Whoever disbelieves in Allah after his belief — except for one who is forced while his heart is secure in faith — but those who open their breasts to disbelief, upon them is wrath from Allah, and for them is a great punishment” (Qur’an 16:106).

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Shabana Basij-Rasikh: Dare to educate Afghan girls

Imagine a country where girls must sneak out to go to school, with deadly consequences if they get caught learning. This was Afghanistan under the Taliban, and traces of that danger remain today. 22-year-old Shabana Basij-Rasikh runs a school for girls in Afghanistan. She celebrates the power of a family’s decision to believe in their daughters — and tells the story of one brave father who stood up to local threats.(Filmed at TEDxWomen)

Shabana Basij-Rasikh helps girls and young women in Afghanistan get an education. Full bio »

Photo: French soldiers stand guard at a Malian air force base near Bamako on January 18, 2013. (Eric Gaillard/Reuters)

A Malian Quagmire? In Defense of French Intervention. By David Rohde

In any crisis, western military intervention should be treated as a last resort. But in the Sahel, the price of passivity would have been unacceptably high.
The question from a colleague — one whose work I admire — could have come from anyone in the United States.
“So the French,” he asked, “now have their own Afghanistan?”
The answer is yes and no. Western military interventions should be carried out only as a last resort. But Mali today is a legitimate place to act.
Several thousand jihadists threaten to destabilize Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Algeria. Beyond the human rights abuses, their attacks will discourage foreign investment, paralyze local economies and produce vast numbers of refugees. Skeptics play down the threat, but the instability these extremists create will spread over time.
The tragic kidnapping in Algeria, where many hostages appear to have died in a botched rescue attempt today, is already prompting oil companies to pull foreign workers out of the region. Islamists can’t be ignored and won’t disappear. They should be confronted or contained. The question is how.
To ensure that Mali is not another Afghanistan, it is vital that France and the international community have reliable allies on the ground. They should mount diplomatic and economic efforts ‑ not just lethal force ‑ against the jihadists as well.
Many commentators immediately dismissed France’s intervention. Some denounced it as “militarism.” Others declared it “neo-colonialism.” The most common phrase was “quagmire.”
In Washington, even some Obama administration officials played down the threat that Mali represented, arguing that Western troops may have made things worse. Isolationism is politically easy but the wrong course. No American ground troops should be deployed, but the Obama administration should assist the French with logistics and intelligence support. 
Lost in the so-far skeptical response to the intervention is a clear truth on the ground. For now, public opinion in Mali and across West Africa is hugely supportive of the French intervention. Press reports indicate that before the French arrived, the 1.8 million people of Bamako, Mali’s capital, were increasingly terrified that Islamists would take the city.
“People have started to smoke cigarettes and wear long pants!” one taxi driver declared after France intervened. “They’re playing soccer in the streets!”
From a military standpoint, the French had to act. More than 8,000 French citizens live in Mali, many of them in Bamako. And last week militant groups were on the verge of seizing a militarily vital airfield in the town of Sevare. Had the field been overrun, it would have been enormously difficult for troops from France or a UN-mandated West African force to have moved into Mali.
Gregory Mann, a Columbia University history professor and an expert on Mali, has written the bestanalysis I have found of the intervention. The crisis “needs diplomatic intervention every bit as urgently as it needed military intervention,” he argues. 
“Mali’s troubles come largely from beyond the country’s borders, as do most of the jihadi fighters,” Mann told me in an email message. “It will take a coalition of countries to confront them, and building and maintaining such a coalition should be the diplomats’ first priority.”
Fears of a quagmire are understandable. The problems that have plagued Mali in recent years after decades of stability sound familiar: government corruption, ethnic and separatist tensions, drug trafficking, meddling neighbors and increasingly weak national institutions, particularly the army.
A previous American effort to train the Malian army to fight Islamists failed spectacularly. And the French intervention is likely to spark retaliatory attacks like the seizure of dozens of foreign hostages in Algeria on Wednesday. Post-Iraq and Afghanistan, skepticism about any Western military intervention is healthy. And France’s record of intervention ‑ from Algeria to Vietnam ‑ is poor. But Malians are calling for help, and a UN effort to counter the militants has stalled.
The Islamist fighters have taken control of northern Mali with surprising speed, are well organized, heavily armed and in control of a desert area the size of France. Their fighters include members of al Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb, a North Africa-based group allied with al Qaeda. In the future, they could easily use Mali as a base to carry out attacks in France and Europe.
Until now, the group has not said it intends to carry out attacks in the United States, but members of the groups are believed to have been involved in the murder of the American ambassador to Libya, Chris Stevens, and three other Americans. They have also amassed an estimated $100 million by kidnapping Westerners and demanding enormous ransoms. 
Robert Fowler, a Canadian diplomat who was kidnapped by the group in 2009, said his captors told him their hope was to create an Islamic emirate that spanned Africa. Their goal was to spread chaos from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
“They would tell me repeatedly that their objective was to extend the chaos of Somalia across the Sahel to the Atlantic coast,” Fowler said in a telephone interview Wednesday. “They believed that in that chaos their jihad would thrive.”
My perspective is not neutral. Four years ago two Afghan colleagues and I were kidnapped by the Taliban and held captive for seven months in Pakistan. I saw their brutality, ignorance and determination first-hand.
I believe economic growth is the best way to counter militancy, not massive Western military interventions. To me, a threat exists from militancy, it is not manufactured. Yet we declare that there is no threat or grow impatient when it is not quickly solved.
France faces months of casualties and conflict, but that should be expected. Quick solutions are illusory. So are claims that we can ignore violent militants. Countering militancy involves a combination of limited military force, expansive diplomacy and patience. We rarely show those qualities. I hope the French do.



This post also appears at Reuters.com.

David Rohde is a columnist for Reuters, two-time winner of the Pulitzer Prize, and a former reporter for The New York Times. His forthcoming book, Beyond War: Reimagining American Influence in a New Middle East will be published in April 2013. More

Photo: French soldiers stand guard at a Malian air force base near Bamako on January 18, 2013. (Eric Gaillard/Reuters)

A Malian Quagmire? In Defense of French Intervention. By David Rohde

In any crisis, western military intervention should be treated as a last resort. But in the Sahel, the price of passivity would have been unacceptably high.

The question from a colleague — one whose work I admire — could have come from anyone in the United States.

“So the French,” he asked, “now have their own Afghanistan?”

The answer is yes and no. Western military interventions should be carried out only as a last resort. But Mali today is a legitimate place to act.

Several thousand jihadists threaten to destabilize Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Algeria. Beyond the human rights abuses, their attacks will discourage foreign investment, paralyze local economies and produce vast numbers of refugees. Skeptics play down the threat, but the instability these extremists create will spread over time.

The tragic kidnapping in Algeria, where many hostages appear to have died in a botched rescue attempt today, is already prompting oil companies to pull foreign workers out of the region. Islamists can’t be ignored and won’t disappear. They should be confronted or contained. The question is how.

To ensure that Mali is not another Afghanistan, it is vital that France and the international community have reliable allies on the ground. They should mount diplomatic and economic efforts ‑ not just lethal force ‑ against the jihadists as well.

Many commentators immediately dismissed France’s intervention. Some denounced it as “militarism.” Others declared it “neo-colonialism.” The most common phrase was “quagmire.”

In Washington, even some Obama administration officials played down the threat that Mali represented, arguing that Western troops may have made things worse. Isolationism is politically easy but the wrong course. No American ground troops should be deployed, but the Obama administration should assist the French with logistics and intelligence support. 

Lost in the so-far skeptical response to the intervention is a clear truth on the ground. For now, public opinion in Mali and across West Africa is hugely supportive of the French intervention. Press reports indicate that before the French arrived, the 1.8 million people of Bamako, Mali’s capital, were increasingly terrified that Islamists would take the city.

“People have started to smoke cigarettes and wear long pants!” one taxi driver declared after France intervened. “They’re playing soccer in the streets!”

From a military standpoint, the French had to act. More than 8,000 French citizens live in Mali, many of them in Bamako. And last week militant groups were on the verge of seizing a militarily vital airfield in the town of Sevare. Had the field been overrun, it would have been enormously difficult for troops from France or a UN-mandated West African force to have moved into Mali.

Gregory Mann, a Columbia University history professor and an expert on Mali, has written the bestanalysis I have found of the intervention. The crisis “needs diplomatic intervention every bit as urgently as it needed military intervention,” he argues. 

“Mali’s troubles come largely from beyond the country’s borders, as do most of the jihadi fighters,” Mann told me in an email message. “It will take a coalition of countries to confront them, and building and maintaining such a coalition should be the diplomats’ first priority.”

Fears of a quagmire are understandable. The problems that have plagued Mali in recent years after decades of stability sound familiar: government corruption, ethnic and separatist tensions, drug trafficking, meddling neighbors and increasingly weak national institutions, particularly the army.

A previous American effort to train the Malian army to fight Islamists failed spectacularly. And the French intervention is likely to spark retaliatory attacks like the seizure of dozens of foreign hostages in Algeria on Wednesday. Post-Iraq and Afghanistan, skepticism about any Western military intervention is healthy. And France’s record of intervention ‑ from Algeria to Vietnam ‑ is poor. But Malians are calling for help, and a UN effort to counter the militants has stalled.

The Islamist fighters have taken control of northern Mali with surprising speed, are well organized, heavily armed and in control of a desert area the size of France. Their fighters include members of al Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb, a North Africa-based group allied with al Qaeda. In the future, they could easily use Mali as a base to carry out attacks in France and Europe.

Until now, the group has not said it intends to carry out attacks in the United States, but members of the groups are believed to have been involved in the murder of the American ambassador to Libya, Chris Stevens, and three other Americans. They have also amassed an estimated $100 million by kidnapping Westerners and demanding enormous ransoms. 

Robert Fowler, a Canadian diplomat who was kidnapped by the group in 2009, said his captors told him their hope was to create an Islamic emirate that spanned Africa. Their goal was to spread chaos from the Atlantic to the Pacific.

“They would tell me repeatedly that their objective was to extend the chaos of Somalia across the Sahel to the Atlantic coast,” Fowler said in a telephone interview Wednesday. “They believed that in that chaos their jihad would thrive.”

My perspective is not neutral. Four years ago two Afghan colleagues and I were kidnapped by the Taliban and held captive for seven months in Pakistan. I saw their brutality, ignorance and determination first-hand.

I believe economic growth is the best way to counter militancy, not massive Western military interventions. To me, a threat exists from militancy, it is not manufactured. Yet we declare that there is no threat or grow impatient when it is not quickly solved.

France faces months of casualties and conflict, but that should be expected. Quick solutions are illusory. So are claims that we can ignore violent militants. Countering militancy involves a combination of limited military force, expansive diplomacy and patience. We rarely show those qualities. I hope the French do.


This post also appears at Reuters.com.

David Rohde is a columnist for Reuters, two-time winner of the Pulitzer Prize, and a former reporter for The New York Times. His forthcoming book, Beyond War: Reimagining American Influence in a New Middle East will be published in April 2013. More

Australian Islamist Musa Cerantonio: We Must Fight the Infidels by Physical Warfare Until the Caliphate Is Restored

Spell

Following are excerpts from a lecture by Australian Islamist Musa Cerantonio, which was posted on the Internet on November 30, 2012:

Musa Cerantonio: Reestablishing the Islamic state is eventually going to be a military matter, and it is a matter that concerns a large part of the Islamic nation. So how do we go about doing this?

[…]

Why is it that they are attacking our lands? It is because they want to stop the people from ruling by the Book of Allah. You find that Al-Shabab in Somalia may Allah grant them victory, stood up and said: No more tribalism. No more socialism. We want Islam. So the Americans bombed their lands.

The same thing in Afghanistan. The Taliban, may Allah grant them victory – they are the heroes of the Islamic nation these days… These are men. They are the men of the Islamic nation today – the Taliban, may Allah grant them victory. You don’t find anyone like them on the face of this earth. Why are the Americans so determined to defeat them, when they have nothing? They have nothing. It is to stop them from ruling by the Book of Allah.

[…]

The advent of Imam Mahdi and the return of the Caliphate is going to be a time of great warfare and tribulation. Every single prophet, from Adam until Muhammad, warned their nation about this time. The greatest strife is going to be at the time that the Antichrist appears on the earth. This is when Imam Mahdi comes. This is going to be when the Caliphate is going to be established. There are going to be caliphs who are going to exist before him, then he will also rule over the Muslims, and Jesus will come. This strife is going to be massive. These are, no doubt, times that are coming upon us. We have to be prepared for this. We have to see what the reality is – that we are going to be fought.

The answer to Palestine is not by holding hands with the Infidels. It’s not by pleading to the U.N. to accept Palestine as a nation. The answer is, as the Prophet said, to fight the infidels until the religion belongs to Allah. The primary goal or strength that we are going to have is in physical warfare. For me and you today, this is not our utmost concern, being in Australia, but no doubt, as a nation, this is what we have to focus on. This is what we have to focus on.

Now we have to know our religion, be prepared for these times, educate ourselves, and prepare, as Allah says: “Prepare against them all you can from strength.” Every strength – unity is strength, knowledge is strength, and steel is strength. “Prepare what you can against them.” This is what we have to do in this nation.

[…]

This isn’t going to come cheap. It’s not going to come easy. It is going to come with our effort, our life, our sweat, and our blood. I ask Allah to grant victory to all of those mujahideen who fight for His cause, to uphold the banner of “There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is His Messenger.”

[…]

Iran calls for the destruction of Israel on a regular basis; relentlessly put down protests for democracy inside the country; is participating in the slaughter in Syria; has abetted killing in Iraq and now in Afghanistan; turned Lebanon and Gaza into terrorist strongholds; and has established terror networks in over 20 countries.

All this is without nuclear weapons. Imagine Iran with those weapons.

Arlene Kushner

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Giles Duley: When a reporter becomes the story

Giles was a photographer who, some years ago, tired of celebrity photoshoots and the attendant egos and tantrums that often accompanied them. He flung his camera on the photoshoot bed and it bounced out the window into the streets of SoHo, London. At that point he decided to change course and dedicated himself to using his camera to “tell unheard stories of those caught in conflict and economic hardship around the world.” His work took him to Sudan, Angola, Ukraine and Bangladesh, among other places. Early in 2011, on assignment in Afghanistan, Duley stepped on a landmine. Despite the fact that the horrific accident left Duley a triple amputee, he continues to dedicate his life to telling stories through photography.

“Do you ever have one of those mornings, when you just can’t be bothered to put your legs on? “

@gilesduley

Harmon Katz, “Detroit Lions Quarterback”

How a rape survivor could change Afghanistan



After being kidnapped, raped and tortured by Afghan police, 18-year-old Lal Bibi is fighting police impunity and the cultural requirement that she commit suicide. Prosecutors are failing to try her rapists, but a massive global outcry can persuade the donor countries that are about to hand over billions to Afghanistan to use their leverage to force real change for Lal Bibi and all Afghan women. Sign the petition, and tell everyone:  


Sign the petition

18 year-old Lal Bibi was kidnapped, raped, tortured and chained to a wall for five days by a gang of powerful Afghan police officers. But she stood up to do what women in Afghanistan are told not to — she is fighting back, and together we can help her and all Afghan women win justice.

According to deep cultural mandates, as a raped woman, Lal Bibi has been “dishonoured” and will kill herself — and she publicly says she must, unless her rapists are brought to justice to restore her honour and dignity. Afghanistan’s justice system routinely fails to pursue these cases and so far the chief suspects in Lal Bibi’s case have not been prosecuted, likely in the hopes that international attention will die down. Every day that passes without an arrest pushes Lal Bibi closer to suicide — but there is hope.

This weekend, the US, UK, Japan and other major donors are expected to pledge 4 billion dollars to Afghanistan — money that will pay for the very police forces responsible for Lal Bibi’s rape. But an international outcry can shame donor countries into action, conditioning their aid on real action to fight rape and protect women. We don’t have much time left —click below for change that could save Lal Bibi’s life and our petition will be delivered right into the donor conference in Tokyo: 

http://www.avaaz.org/en/justice_for_lal_bibi_c/?bjPzTbb&v=15757 

Local custom in some parts of Afghanistan dictates that women are shamed by rape and must kill themselves to restore their family’s honour for generations to come. Amazingly, Lal Bibi and her family courageously are seeking to save her life by insisting on the prosecution of her torturers and shifting the blame to the perpetrators, in society’s eyes.

The Afghan police force responsible for the rape depends heavily on foreign funding that will be pledged this weekend, when all of Afghanistan’s major donors gather in Tokyo. Donor countries can and should require that funds are not spent to grow a police force that acts with appalling impunity and that police officers work to protect women, not attack them!

There are hundreds of women and girls all across Afghanistan who are subject to the “tribal justice” meted out to Lal Bibi. Thousands more are watching carefully to see how the Afghan government and the world will respond to the girl who is fighting back and refuses to die quietly. Let’s stand with her — sign the petition below and tell everyone:

http://www.avaaz.org/en/justice_for_lal_bibi_c/?bjPzTbb&v=15757 

The global war on women is relentless. But time and time again our community joins together to win. We helped stop the illegal stoning of Sakineh Ashtiani in Iran, and fought for justice for rape survivors in Libya, Morocco and Honduras. Let’s show the global power of our community to help win justice for Lal Bibi and millions of women in Afghanistan.




P.S. Avaaz has launched Community Petitions, an exciting new platform where it’s quick and easy to create a campaign on any issue you care strongly about. Start your own by clicking here: http://www.avaaz.org/en/petition/start_a_petition/?do.ps.lal_bibi 


More Information: 

Rape case tests Afghan justice (Radio Free Europe)
http://www.rferl.org/content/rape-case-tests-afghan-justice/24604549.html 

Afghan rape case turns focus on local police (New York Times)
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/28/world/asia/afghan-rape-case-turns-focus-on-local-police.html?pagewanted=all 

Afghanistan expects $4 billion in aid pledges at the July conference (CNBC)
http://www.cnbc.com/id/47900279/Afghanistan_expects_4_billion_in_aid_pledges_at_July_conference

Tokyo Declaration to push donors, Afghanistan to make better use of aid (Reuters)
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/07/02/us-afghanistan-aid-idUSBRE8610CL20120702 

Afghan government confident about endorsement of its strategic vision in Tokyo (UNAMA)
http://unama.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=1741&ctl=Details&mid=1882&ItemID=17189 

Oldie: empty seat at the Stanley Cup finals

A guy sees an empty seat at the Stanley Cup finals. He asks the guy seated next to it why, and he says, “It was my wife’s, but she died.”

The guy asks, “Couldn’t you have invited a friend?”

The other guy says, “They’re all at the funeral.”

Oldie: young love

Little Bruce and Jenny are only 10 years old, but they know they are in love.

One day they decide that they want to get married, so Bruce goes to Jenny’s father to ask him for her hand.

Bruce bravely walks up to him and says, “Mr. Smith, me and Jenny are in love and I want to ask you for her hand in marriage.”

Thinking that this was just the cutest thing,

Mr. Smith replies, “Well Bruce, you are only 10… Where will you two live?”

Without even taking a moment to think about it, Bruce replies, “In Jenny’s room. It’s bigger than mine and we can both fit there nicely.”

Mr. Smith says with a huge grin, “Okay, then how will you live? You’re not old enough to get a job. You’ll need to support Jenny.”

Again, Bruce instantly replies, “Our allowance. Jenny makes five bucks a week and I make 10 bucks a week. That’s about 60 bucks a month, so that should do us just fine.”

Mr. Smith is impressed Bruce has put so much thought into this.

“Well Bruce, it seems like you have everything figured out.

I just have one more question. What will you do if the two of you should have little children of your own?”

Bruce just shrugs his shoulders and says,

“Well, we’ve been lucky so far.”

Signs…

White dogs can’t jump? Animated GIFs

Who says white dogs can’t jump?

Let me chew on your ear a minute…

I got your toes… No, I got YOURS!

Just a minute Mr. DeMille, let me get ready for my close-up.

You thought outgrowing your clothes was a problem?

Artist Pablo Stanley‘s comic “Mr. Fahrenheit,” starring legendary Queen frontman Freddie Mercury, gets soundtracked by the song that inspired it: “Don’t Stop Me Now.”

[aggregate.]

learnosaurusrex:

It is an in-joke among the gunsmiths of the Khyber Pass that no two Krinkov-style Kalashnikov copies are the same.

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